GALLAND Olivier

The idea of a rise in radicalism among French youth, with a certain trivialization of violence as a corollary, is worth examining, even if violent acts only concern a small minority that is fairly well studied and identified. On the other hand, little is known about the degree of acceptability of violence in the eyes of the majority. Which segments of youth are most affected by radicalism? Is there a link between political and religious radicalism? How do young people react to attacks and terrorism? To answer these questions, the contributors to this book, all recognized specialists in the field of youth sociology, analyze the results of an unpublished survey of 7,000 high school students from all social and cultural backgrounds and all religious denominations.

France experienced an unprecedented wave of terrorist attacks in 2015. Following these tragic events, social science researchers felt the need to undertake new work to better understand the dynamics of this new radicalism. This book is the result of one of these attempts. A large quantitative and qualitative survey was conducted among French Lycée students in order to gather substantive information and propose an interpretation of the penetration of radical ideas, be they religious or political, among them. How widespread are these radical ideas? What are the main characteristics of youngsters who share them? Are there links between religious radicalism and political radicalism? How do young people feel about the 2015 terrorist attacks? How do young people use media and social media to keep abreast of and understand radical acts and opinions? Those are the main questions explored in this book. (Publisher's abstract).

No summary available.

This is a response to the dossier coordinated by Agnés Villechaise devoted to our book La tentation radicale. Enquête auprès des lycéens published in 2018.

In France, work-family reconciliation policies are mainly based on the development of institutional childcare arrangements. However, grandparents continue to play an important role in the daily arrangements of families. How can we explain their involvement in the care of young children? By combining the sociologies of the family and the articulation of social time, and by crossing qualitative and quantitative methods, this thesis focuses on the everyday ways in which parents manage to articulate their family and professional lives, through the study of the borderline case of the use of grandparents' help. This thesis emphasizes two logics. 1) If there is a norm of good grandparenting that regulates the way grandparents get involved in the care of their grandchildren, it emanates from the upper social categories and is not internalized in a homogeneous way in all social milieus. Parents' educational strategies and expectations of grandparents differ according to social origin. 2) Professional, family and institutional contexts act as constraints and opportunities that influence parents' daily arrangements and lead them to modify their educational strategies with regard to grandparent involvement. The analysis of the articulation of these logics allows us to identify four types of grandparental care: emergency, routine, intensive and leisure. Finally, this thesis shows the correlation between children's development and grandparental care, inviting us to think of this object as a diversified set of practices that are vectors of social inequalities.

No summary available.

No summary available.

This chapter questions the notion of radicality, in its political and religious dimensions, based on the state of the art of social science research in this field.

No summary available.

The idea of a rise in radicalism among French youth, with a certain trivialization of violence as a corollary, is worth examining, even if violent acts only concern a small minority that is fairly well studied and identified. On the other hand, little is known about the degree of acceptability of violence in the eyes of the majority. Which segments of youth are most affected by radicalism? Is there a link between political and religious radicalism? How do young people react to attacks and terrorism? To answer these questions, the contributors to this book, all recognized specialists in the field of youth sociology, analyze the results of an unpublished survey of 7,000 high school students from all social and cultural backgrounds and all religious denominations (Editor's summary).

No summary available.

The idea of a rise in radicalism among French youth, with a certain trivialization of violence as a corollary, is worth examining, even if violent acts only concern a small minority that is fairly well studied and identified. On the other hand, little is known about the degree of acceptability of violence in the eyes of the majority. Which segments of youth are most affected by radicalism? Is there a link between political and religious radicalism? How do young people react to attacks and terrorism? To answer these questions, the contributors to this book, all recognized specialists in the field of youth sociology, analyze the results of an unpublished survey of 7,000 high school students from all social and cultural backgrounds and all religious denominations.

No summary available.

No summary available.

Youth is a category with uncertain contours. At what age does it begin, at what age does it end? Sociology shows that youth is above all a passage whose boundaries and definition have evolved over the course of history and are modulated according to social situations. The weakening of rites of passage, the lengthening of professional transitions and the extension of the time of experiences that tend to postpone access to full adult status until later, mean that youth is now broken down into several phases - from adolescence to young adult status - which this book attempts to describe.This book, which has become a classic on the subject since its initial publication in 1991, identifies and explains the significant changes brought about by this general movement of social recomposition that young people sometimes undergo painfully.This 6th edition extends and deepens the presentation of European results on youth. This 6th edition extends and deepens the presentation of European results on youth. It also updates the book by presenting recent work on the entry into adulthood, youth values, sexual behavior and adolescent culture.

The question of inequality (class, economic status, gender, ethno-racial), defined as a difference in access to social goods deemed unjustified, is at the heart of sociology.This handbook aims to offer the most complete assessment possible of sociological work and knowledge on the subject, and to open up avenues of reflection on the field: what is the genesis of the notion of inequality? Why are inequalities transmitted and reproduced? What are the respective roles of the family, the education system and the public authorities? How and to what extent does the state succeed in correcting the initial inequalities between social groups? The book is illustrated by numerous international examples and original figures. Supplements are available in the "digital resources" section. The book is illustrated with numerous international examples and original figures.

No summary available.

"French youth is cut in two, some get by and others don't. Why is this so? This divide is the result of an elitist social system where school and the job market serve as sorting machines. The result: the weakest are relentlessly eliminated. Left out, they tend to desert the ballot box and deny the foundations of democracy. This severe diagnosis established by the authors in the two previous editions of "La machine à trier" is unfortunately the same: the situation of French youth has still not improved. This new, completely updated edition confirms the persistent difficulties of youth, refutes the idea of a common destiny for a generation and proposes a radical revision of our elitist integration model. [Source: 4th cover].

"Youth is a category with uncertain contours. At what age does it begin, at what age does it end? Sociology shows that youth is above all a passage whose boundaries and definition have evolved throughout history and are modulated according to social situations. The weakening of rites of passage, the lengthening of professional transitions and the extension of the time of experiences that tend to postpone ever later access to full adult status mean that youth is now broken down into several phases - from adolescence to young adult status - which this book attempts to describe. Having become a "classic" on the subject since its initial publication in 1991, the book identifies and explains the significant changes brought about by this general movement of social recomposition that youth sometimes undergo painfully. This 6th edition extends and deepens the presentation of European results on youth. It also updates the book by presenting recent research on young people's entry into adulthood, youth values, sexual behavior and adolescent culture.

Youth is a category with uncertain contours. At what age does it begin, at what age does it end? Sociology shows that youth is above all a passage whose boundaries and definition have evolved over the course of history and are modulated by social situations. The weakening of rites of passage, the lengthening of professional transitions and the extension of the time of experiences that tend to postpone access to full adult status until later, mean that youth is now broken down into several phases - from adolescence to young adult status - which this book attempts to describe. Having become a "classic" on the subject since its initial publication in 1991, the book identifies and explains the significant changes brought about by this general movement of social recomposition that youth sometimes undergo painfully. This 5th edition extends and deepens the presentation of European results on youth. It also updates the book by presenting recent work on the entry into adulthood, youth values, sexual behavior and adolescent culture. Olivier Galland, sociologist, director of research at the CNRS, works at the Groupe des méthodes de l'analyse sociologique (University of Paris IV and CNRS). He is a specialist in youth issues.

No summary available.

This thesis deals with the professional integration of students. It raises two questions in particular: the question of the objective possibilities of professional integration for higher education graduates, and thus makes a contribution to the debate on the devaluation of diplomas; and the question of the experience of professional integration of young people in the French institutional and social context marked by the need to establish oneself professionally. This phenomenon must be put into perspective: young people with higher education degrees have much lower levels of unemployment than non-graduates. The usual measures of the profitability of diplomas are reassuring: an additional year of higher education continues to bring an 8% increase in income. The devaluation of diplomas is therefore only a "myth". However, these optimistic observations are based on very aggregated indicators: performance in terms of professional integration is assessed according to the number of years of study or the level of the degree. For example, we measure the chances of professional integration of baccalaureate and master's degree holders and compare the relative profitability of the degrees. Studies are thus understood as a homogeneous body of knowledge: the pathways, the teaching contexts, the intensity of the work of each student, and, above all, the degree specialization pursued are erased in the traditional measure of the profitability of degrees. This thesis, based on a secondary analysis of quantitative data, seeks to refine this measure by reintroducing the degree specialty. It is observed that, for equivalent levels of education, there are strong disparities between training specialties in the probability of entering the labor market and in the quality of jobs held. The specialization determines access to a qualified job as much as the level of training. Thus, this work concludes that there are local educational inflation effects, located on specific training specialties.

This book is based on an original challenge: to undertake a systematic comparison of the condition of youth in Italy and France by investigating in depth three major areas of youth life - access to adulthood, the experience of public space, and relations between generations - which are themselves broken down into a dozen specific themes. The method of the book is also original. Indeed, the authors of the book have asked a French and an Italian colleague to draw up a table of the national situation and its sociological interpretations for each of the selected themes, with a third person in charge of drawing the comparative lessons. This book is thus truly a Franco-Italian co-production bringing together the best specialists from both sides of the Alps. The main conclusion of the book is that, despite certain morphological and demographic particularities that strongly distinguish them, French and Italian youth should be understood as two variants of the same type of representation of this age of life and passage to adulthood.

In the middle of the 20th century, students were a narrow fringe of youth and were mostly boys from the upper classes. Today, they form a large group, numerically more important than that of craftsmen and tradesmen. Being a student has become the canonical form of youth, the preferred social model for the passage to adult status, not only in the metropolises but also in medium-sized cities, not only for boys but also for girls. The latter have even become the majority among post-baccalaureate students. However, there are still major inequalities in access to higher education according to social origin, and there are significant differences between students according to the type of studies they pursue. The increase in enrolment has been accompanied by a profound change and diversification in the ways in which students are studying. This book, which brings together the expertise of historians, sociologists, economists, statisticians and political scientists, offers for the first time an overview of the transformations that have affected the student world since the early 1960s and a particularly in-depth look at the changes that have occurred since the mid-1990s. It provides chronological and demographic benchmarks . relates institutional changes, flows and paths . analyzes forms of mobilization and representation. It looks at many aspects of student life: time allocation, money, housing, food, health, cultural practices, study conditions and success.

"Youth is not what it used to be". Here is the formula that has value of antiphon when we are young or that, by advancing in age, we become old by being scandalized by what has become of the youth! Who hasn't had these words in his mouth to regret the youth of yesteryear or, on the contrary, to congratulate himself that it has changed. It is under this banner that dozens of researchers met at the Cerisy-la-Salle Cultural Center, from June 23 to 30, 2009, in order to exchange on the topics of the day and with the intention of knowing if truly "youth is not what it used to be. The present collection endeavors in this way to paint an overall picture of youth by crossing the views of the main researchers on the subject from anthropology, history, sociology and other social sciences.Readers - young and old - will find, among other things, studies on educational paths, on integration into the labour market, on geographic mobility, on entry into adult life, and on the culture tinged with the colors of cosmopolitanism of young people evolving in the French-speaking societies represented by France, Quebec, Belgium and Acadia.

No summary available.

No summary available.

No summary available.

No summary available.

Our study takes as its object the way Polish youth today understand European gentiles such as Polacy (Poles), Niemcy (Germans) and Francuzi (French), as well as the gentile Europejczycy (Europeans) itself, several years after Poland's accession to the European Union, following the fall of the communist regime. These two relatively recent historical events are indeed likely to have affected the perception of the world of Poles. By apprehending the meaning of the above-mentioned gentiles through the vision of a community of speakers, the young Polish speakers, this study is part of the linguistic current of cognitive research. In the study of the semantic structures of language, this research emphasizes the fundamental link between language and thought and aims at reaching the speaking subject (as a member of a community of speakers), his perception, his conceptualization of the world (linked to his experience) and his value system. Our study thus adheres more particularly to the current of Lublin ethnolinguistics as defined by Jerzy Bartmiński, according to which we cannot look for the meaning of the gentiles Polacy, Niemcy, Francuzi, and Europejczycy in dictionaries, since it is primarily found, so to speak, in the heads of the speakers.

No summary available.

French youth is cut in two, some make it, others don't. This divide is the result of an elitist social system where school and the labor market serve as sorting machines. In the end, the weakest are relentlessly eliminated, while being practically excluded from social assistance until the age of 25. Left out, they tend to desert the ballot box and deny the foundations of democracy. It is urgent to attack the roots of the problem: school failure and the insurmountable obstacles that the job market puts in front of those who do not have a diploma. We must also break down the barriers of our political system so that young people can find their place in it. But in the meantime, we can't leave so many young people on the sidelines. There are ways to give them a second chance without being lax. If we continue to do nothing, the risk of a deflagration of the republican pact will grow day by day. (Editor's summary).

The 4th cover states: "French youth is split in two, some make it, others don't. This split is the result of an elitist social system where school and the job market serve as sorting machines. This divide is the result of an elitist social system where school and the job market serve as sorting machines. In the end, the weakest are relentlessly eliminated, while being practically excluded from social assistance until the age of 25. Left out, they tend to desert the ballot box and deny the foundations of democracy. It is urgent to attack the roots of the problem: school failure and the insurmountable obstacles that the job market puts in front of those who do not have a diploma. We must also break down the barriers of our political system so that young people can find their place in it. But in the meantime, we can't leave so many young people on the sidelines. There are ways to give them a second chance without being lax. If we continue to do nothing, the risk of the republican pact exploding will increase day by day".

French society is going through a major economic crisis. Between "long-term" unemployment, for some, and sky-high incomes for others, inequalities are exacerbated. The "insatiable passion for equality", which Alexis de Tocqueville associated with democratic peoples' "natural taste for liberty", is said to be dulled. Such an observation deserves to be questioned, because equality is not a simple matter of arithmetic. Far from hasty judgments, this work shows, on the contrary, that the French do not give in to demagogic ease. Their wishes are as far from a pure meritocracy as from an absolute egalitarianism. It is true that their confidence is affected by the current difficulties, but they hold fast to the principles of social justice. So how are social inequalities perceived? What principles of justice are called upon to judge them? And what improvements are desired? Based on a representative survey and a series of in-depth qualitative interviews, this book presents and analyzes the responses of the French to these questions. (Editor's summary).

This article aims to examine several explanatory theories of the perception of social inequalities based on a questionnaire survey of a representative sample of French people supplemented by a series of qualitative interviews. The theory of "well understood interest" linked to social position, the possible effect of relative frustration mechanisms, and the effect of adherence to values in justifying economic inequalities will be examined. One of the original features of the survey we will use is to distinguish three registers of perception of inequalities: the perception of their strength in society, the degree to which they are judged to be more or less illegitimate, and finally the degree to which the person himself feels personally affected. The results show contrasting effects of the different explanatory variables according to these registers of perception of inequalities. Social position as well as relative frustration mechanisms explain well the personally felt impact, while they have practically no effect on the overall perception of social inequalities. Conversely, the latter is well explained by adherence to values. The global register of apprehension of inequalities is thus mainly dependent on ideological orientations, whereas the personal register is exclusively dependent on the position of individuals in the social stratification.

No summary available.

French society is going through a major economic crisis. Between "long-term" unemployment, for some, and fabulous incomes for others, inequalities are exacerbated. The "insatiable passion for equality", which Alexis de Tocqueville associated with the "natural taste for freedom" of democratic peoples, has been blunted. Far from hasty judgments, this work shows, on the contrary, that the French do not give in to demagogic ease. Their wishes are as far from a pure meritocracy as from an absolute egalitarianism. It is true that their confidence is affected by the current difficulties, but they are holding fast to the principles of social justice, so how are social inequalities perceived? What principles of justice are called upon to judge them? And what improvements are desired? Based on a representative survey and a series of in-depth qualitative interviews, this book presents and analyzes the responses of the French to these questions.

No summary available.

French society is going through a major economic crisis. Between "long-term" unemployment, for some, and fabulous incomes for others, inequalities are exacerbated. The "insatiable passion for equality", which Alexis de Tocqueville associated in democratic peoples with their "natural taste for liberty", would be blunted. Such an observation deserves to be questioned, because equality is not a simple matter of arithmetic. Far from hasty judgments, this work shows, on the contrary, that the French do not give in to demagogic ease. Their wishes are as far from a pure meritocracy as from an absolute egalitarianism. It is true that their confidence is affected by the current difficulties, but they hold fast to the principles of social justice. So how are social inequalities perceived? What principles of justice are called upon to judge them? And what improvements are desired? Based on a representative survey and a series of in-depth qualitative interviews, this book presents and analyzes the responses of the French to these questions [4th cover].

No summary available.

The back cover states: "The thwarted autonomy of young people is the most debated issue in public policies relating to this age of life in France. By reconstructing the evolution of public debates and administrative recommendations over the last twenty years, by making European comparisons, and by exploiting a large body of sociological literature devoted to this issue, this book analyzes the condition of young people and students together. Although there are now strong divisions between these two groups of young people, the same paradoxes characterize them. Autonomous earlier and dependent for longer, young people ask to be able to control their destiny, while at the same time expressing strong expectations of support. Their long process of acquiring autonomy and their social integration are now carried out through the mediation of adults (parents, teachers and other professionals), who are supposed to accompany, often through the intermediary of institutional arrangements, both young people who are in school and those who are having difficulty integrating.

No summary available.

The purpose of this research is to analyze the differences in aspirations and orientation choices at the beginning of higher education. More specifically, the aim is to determine the extent to which "individual" choices, which have an impact on the construction of educational inequalities, depend on the schooling context. Indeed, since the diversified nature of schooling contexts in France no longer needs to be demonstrated, the first part of this work invites us, on the basis of work from the sociology of education and the Anglo-Saxon literature, to consider the contextual dimensions as being at the origin of school choices and aspirations. This question, which has not been explored in France for this level of orientation, was therefore the subject of the empirical work in the second part, which was based mainly on a combination of data from the DEP's Panel 95 and IPES data, as well as on an original survey conducted among students. Multivariate quantitative analyses show that the school environment is a significant factor in the aspirations of high school students (probability of considering one type of course rather than another and the length of study envisaged). The school environment plays a significant role in the study choices of young people with comparable school characteristics and a given social background. The contextual effect highlighted is twofold: the social composition of the school and the local offer of higher education (mainly the presence of a CPGE in the school) act together. In many cases, the cumulative effects of the school environment are at least equal in importance to those known from the individual's social origin, to which they are added. All in all, the preferences of individuals, situated in unequal contexts, are not insensitive to the organization of the educational system.